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Covert military operations by private contractors jeopardize France's discreet withdrawal from West Africa.

France has undergone military restructuring in recent months, majorly shutting down its historical West African bases. Yet, the emergence of private military firms utilizing French personnel is threatening...

France revamped its military structure over the past few months, largely shuttering historic bases...
France revamped its military structure over the past few months, largely shuttering historic bases in West Africa. Yet, the deployment of private militaries staffed by French personnel seemingly subverts...

Covert military operations by private contractors jeopardize France's discreet withdrawal from West Africa.

Former French Soldiers Find High Demand in African Private Security Market

The growing need for security services in Africa has led to an increase in the employment of former French military personnel by private military companies. This shift is driven by the ex-soldiers' deep knowledge of African conflict zones and the advantage of speaking French, a lingua franca in many West and Central African nations.

Peer de Jong, a naval colonel and head of Themiis, a security, defense, and services company operating in Mauritania, noted the high regard for French ex-military personnel and the crucial roles they play in the continent's security landscape. According to him, Anglo-Saxon countries struggle to compete due to the language barrier.

De Jong further pointed out that the French businessman Richard Rouget, the number two at private security group Bancroft, is a prime example of this trend. Similarly, many other international companies, such as Bancroft Global Development (USA), G4S (UK), the Development Initiative (UK), Relyant Global LLC (USA), and Erinys (UK), have hired former French military personnel for operations in Africa.

The retreat of French forces from several African countries, such as Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Côte d'Ivoire, has left a vacuum that private military companies have begun to fill. In the absence of French soldiers, these firms offer services ranging from logistical support and site security to training and even the protection of public figures.

For instance, the Alliance of Sahel States, an alliance initially formed by Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, has employed Russian proxy forces in the past. Similarly, Beijing DeWe, a Chinese company, secured the construction of the Mombasa-Naivasha railway line in Kenya, while mercenaries from the Turkish firm Sadat have become increasingly prominent in Libya.

In a conversation with our website's defense correspondent, Franck Alexandre, de Jong lamented France's lack of presence in the private military sector due to the country's resistance to privatizing its military. As a result, de Jong believes that France is lagging behind its competitors, including the United States, China, Russia, and Turkey, in the growing private military market across Africa.

The French law prohibits and punishes mercenary activity, making it difficult for local authorities to hire French private military companies. The confusion surrounding the status of former French soldiers working for private companies, as they are still often seen as agents of the French government or military, further complicates matters.

Despite these challenges, de Jong believes that France is missing out on a significant opportunity. The Directorate of Defence Intelligence and Security has expressed concern over French ex-soldiers joining private military companies, arguing that it damages the image of the armed forces. However, private military companies can serve as an effective tool for exerting influence and are relatively cost-effective, as they can be funded by the European Union or other donors.

The French army is also grappling with disinformation campaigns orchestrated by Moscow and its proxies, which have been successful in tarnishing France's image in West Africa. Accusations of French soldiers committing crimes or attempting to revive "Francafrique" persist, leading to widespread beliefs in the existence of secret French bases in countries like Benin and Nigeria.

A French soldier recently returned from West Africa stated that these false narratives are prevalent even among circles of power, despite having no foundation. Despite these challenges, France seems disinclined to officially deploy soldiers, whether from the regular army or private security firms, to Africa again.

  1. Emmanuel Macron, the French President, could capitalize on this increasing demand for security services in Africa by promoting education-and-self-development programs for former French military personnel, making them more competitive in the international private military market.
  2. With the growing influence of Russia in Africa, France might find it beneficial to invest in technology sectors, particularly those related to security and surveillance, to maintain its presence and exert influence in West Africa.
  3. In light of the high regard for French ex-military personnel in the African private security market, France might consider setting up programs for language training in English and other regional languages to broaden its reach beyond the French-speaking regions of Africa.
  4. The growing trend of hiring former French military personnel by international companies can also be extended to other sectors, such as lifestyle and hospitality, to capitalize on their unique cultural understanding and skills, enhancing the overall service delivery quality.
  5. To address the issue of French ex-soldiers joining private military companies and potential damage to the image of the armed forces, France could consider creating a regulatory framework for private military companies that ensures their ethical and professional standards align with the values of the French military while also attracting foreign investment in the education-and-self-development sector.

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